Submitted after 11/7:
Reviewer: Sarah Pringle-Lewis
Date:
Arnal, William E, Jesus and the Village Scribes: Galilean Conflicts and the Setting of Q (Fortress Press, Minneapolis, 2001).226.06 Ar61j
William E. Arnal (Ph.D., University of Toronto) is an Assistant Professor of Religious Studies and Classics at New York University. This book is an outgrowth of his dissertation work written in 1997.
The book is divided into five chapters and attacks the notion that the authors of Q were wandering radicals and insists instead that it is the product of Galilean village scribes. In the first two chapters, Arnal describes Harnack's, Theissen's and more recent arguments for itinerancy, demonstrating both their weaknesses and the ideological (cultural) subtexts that made these views attractive to their authors and adherents. In the third chapter he argues the weakness of the evidence for itinerancy in the Didache and Q.. By Chapter four he settles in for a long discussion of the socioeconomic conditions of first century Galilee. In the fifth chapter is an exposition on the rhetoric of Q and its reflection in the displace d village scribes
Arnal ‘s work does not appear to have been written for easy consumption. It assumes a prior knowledge of the theorists and their work that at times make it difficult to understand.
In Chapter 2’s discussion of the evidentiary nature of the Diadache he dissects Harnack’s work saying,” Harnack’s typoloy of “apostle, prophet, and teacher,” which he considers to be an ancient classification of charismatic “office,” and on the basis of which he sketches out greater and lesser degrees of peregrination and authority, is inconsistent with what the text actually says” without telling the reader what the Diadache does say
Arnal challenges Gerd Theissen's reconstruction of how itinerant radicals laid the foundation for the Jesus movement in Palestine. In his alternative reconstruction, the itinerant radicals are replaced with village scribes who moved from village to village in order to win neighboring villages over to their side. The problem for me is that there is simply not enough clearly stated evidence to support either theory.
Reviewer: Dave Bures
Date: 12/13/06
Josephus, Flavius, The Wars of the Jews. in Vol. 1 of The Works of Flavius Josephus (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1974), Trans. William Whiston. 933 J779w.
In about 75 c.e. Flavius Josephus who the Jews considered a traitor, wrote The Wars of the Jews. Even though Josephus had collaborated with the Romans he still considered himself a loyal Jew. He felt that from the beginning of the war the Jews had no chance against the Romans; that their resistance was foolish; and that their defeat inevitable. The Wars of the Jews, or “The History of the Destruction of Jerusalem,” as it is also called, was written in an attempt to explain to the Romans the motivations of the Jews, and in a way, to reassure them that the Jews posed no real and continuing threat. The work covers the period from Antiochus Epiphanes’ capture of Jerusalem in 164 B.C.E. to its fall and destruction. From his perspective as a participant observer, Josephus has given us a valuable account. Though Josephus is often accused of knowing which side his bread is buttered on, archeological research has tended to verify his historical accuracy.
The Wars of the Jews is divided into seven books which proceed in chronological order and are headed as follows: Book I: From Antiochus Epiphanes taking Jerusalem to the death of Herod the Great (an interval of 167 years). Book II: From the death of Herod till Vespasian was sent to subdue the Jews by Nero (69 years). Book III: From Vespasian’s coming to subdue the Jews to the taking of Gamala (about 1 year). Book IV: From the siege of Gamala to the coming of Titus to besiege Jerusalem (about 1 year). Book V: From the coming of Titus to besiege Jerusalem, to the great extremity to which the Jews were reduced (almost 6 months). Book VI: From the great extremity to which the Jews were reduced, to the taking of Jerusalem by Titus (about 1 month). Book VII: From the taking of Jerusalem to Titus by the sedition of the Jews at Cyrene (about 3 years).
Any verifiably accurate stories of events transpiring during the earthly ministry of Jesus are of inestimable interest to those studying Christianity and its origins. The Jewish Wars includes material concerning the Herodian period, the destruction of Jerusalem, and the period immediately following. Joesphus’ eyewitness accounts are invaluable to understanding the tenor of the times.
Jesephus provides much material which is helpful in understanding the Books of the Maccabees. He talks about the Samaritans and explains the customs of the Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes, which he describes as sects representing three philosophies among the Jews. In The Jewish Wars (2.9.4) he describes the state of insurrection in Jerusalem with which Pilate was faced. “After this he [Pilate] raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had great indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about this tribunal, and made a clamor at it. Now when he was apprised aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamor” (2.9.4).
When Josephus has a juicy bit of story to tell The Jewish Wars makes good reading. However, just like a text book, there are lots of names and dates which make for tough going at times, especially for someone unfamiliar with Roman history. Josephus writes with the assumption that we will have at least some idea of who he is talking about. But as a story teller/historian and a person who was intimately involved with the war Josephus is able to communicate a uniquely fascinating perspective. He is the hero of his own adventure and at the same time as archeological evidence is confirming, able to give a credibly accurate account of what was going on around him. This is a surprisingly interesting read. It is hard not to like Josephus despite his often pretentious tone. His innocent arrogance becomes an endearing quality.
Reviewer: Judy Young
Date: 11/7/06
Irenaeus, St Irenaeus of Lyon On the Apostolic Preaching, tran. John Behr (Crestwwod NY/St Vladamir Seminary Press, 1997) 238.1 Ir20
St. Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyon wrote the original manuscript "The Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching" It can be dated to the end of the second century. St. Irenaeus intended this manusrcript for his friend Marcianus "to determine by means of a summary, the preaching of the truth, so as to strengthen your faith." He instructed Marcianus to spread the truth to all those who desire to know.
This is a small paperback book of 121 pages. It is divided into 4 chapters: I St. Irenaeus of Lyon. (5 pages) This gives information on the author. II The Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching. (20 pages) This is information from the translator with background about the work and includes comments on St. Irenaeus's other work "About Heresies." III Exegesis of the work (11 pages) IV The actual work (62 pages) The work itself has 100 short chapters with subtitles on a particular teaching and a conclusion.
This is a translation from an Armenian text discovered in 1904. The original text is dated at the end of the second century. "For this reason its discovery at the beginning of this century generated much excitement: "here was a work from a bishop, who claimed to have known those who themselves had known the apostles, describing the teachings of the apostles."
St. Irenaeus instructs Marcianus to: "through a summary, receive an exposition of the things of God so that, in this way, it will bear your own salvation like fruit, and that you may confound all those who hold false opinions and to everyone who desires to know, you may deliver our sound and irreproachable word in all boldness."
I enjoyed reading this. It was translated into easy to read language. It gave a concise summary of what he beleived to be the teachings of the apostles without confusing the reader with deep theology. He stated the truth very firmly without a complex theological explanation. In this class we have and will be reading non-canonical gospels several of which have a gnostic view. In some of his comments I could see seeds that might have been used in some of those gospels such as: In chapter 9 "This world is encompassed by seven heavens...the first heaven from the top, which includes the others, is that of wisdom..." This can be compared to the Gospel of Mary. In chapter 35 he refers to God promising Abraham to make his seed as stars of heaven. This can be compared to the Gospel of Judas. The conclusion says "not thinking there is another god the father besides our creator as the heretics say." This can be compared to the Gospel of Judas.
Reviewer: Judy Young
Date: 11/7/06
Reviewer: Judy Young Date: 11/7/06 Bibliography ST. Irenaeus, St. Irenaeus of Lyon On the Apostolic Preaching, tran. John Behr: (Crestwood NY/St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1997) 238.1 Ir20 Author: St Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyon wrote the original manuscript “The Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching”. This can be dated at the end of the second century. St. Irenaeus intended this manuscript for his friend Marcianus “to determine, by means of a summary, the preaching of the truth, so as to strengthen your faith”. He instructed Marcianus to spread this truth to all those who desire to know. Structure: This is a small paperback book of 121 pages. It is divided into 4 chapters: I St Irenaeus of Lyon. (5 pages) This gives information about St Irenaeus. II The Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching. (20 pages) This in information from the translator with background about the work and includes comments on St. Irenaues’s other work “Against Heresies”. III An exegesis of the work. (11 pages) IV The actual work. (62 pages) The work itself has 100 short chapters with subtitles on a particular teaching and a conclusion. Evidence This is a translation from an Armenian text discovered in 1904. The original text is dated at the end of the second century. “For this reason its discovery at the beginning of this century generated much excitement: “here was a work from a bishop, who claimed to have known those who themselves had known the apostles, describing the teaching of the apostles.” Example St. Irenaeus instructs Marcianus to: “through a summary, receive an exposition of the things of God, so that, it will bear your own salvation like fruit, and that you may confound all those who hold false opinions and to everyone who desires to know, you may deliver our sound and irreproachable word in all boldness.” Response I enjoyed reading this. It was translated into easy to read language. It gave a concise summary of what he believed to be the teachings of the apostles without confusing the reader with deep theology. He stated the truth very firmly without a complex theological explanation. In this class we have and will be reading non-canonical gospels with a Gnostic view. In some of his comments I could see seeds that might have been used in some of these gospels such as: In chapter 9 “This world is encompassed by seven heavens….the first heaven from the top, which includes all the others, is that of wisdom..” This can be compared with the Gospel of Mary. In chapter 35 he refers to god promising Abraham to make his seed as stars of heaven. This can be compared to the Gospel of Judas. The conclusion says “Not thinking there is another god the father besides our creator as the heretics say.” This can be compared to the Gospel of Judas.
Reviewer: Pam Nourse
Date: 9 Nov 06
"Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association," in Wise, Michael et al., The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation (New York: HarperCollins, 1996).
The text is a charter for a religious sect. The precise identity of the sect is not known, althought theories abound; the most popular is that this group was an Essene or proto-Essene community (pp. 14, 32). Although none of the scrolls is dated internally, multiple factors combine to place the majority of the scrolls in the 1st century BCE.
The book contains guidelines for admitting new members into the group, including requirements for entrance, a two-year probationary term with periodic examinations by the Instructor and by the entire community, and an initiation ceremony for new members. The age-old question of evil is addressed in a section which discusses the two "spirits of truth and falsehood" (3:18-19) appointed by "God in His mysteries" (3:23)to govern the world until God's appointed visitation, when "truth [shall] come forth in victory upon the earth." (4:19) To ensure that the community is among the upright on that day, there follows a list of rules for the community, beginning with broad generalities and proceeding to specific infractions along with their penalties. Most of the penalties involve reduced rations and exclusion from the community meals; the most serious crimes are punished by expulsion from the community. The final section of the charter addresses rules and prayers for the Instructor or leader of the community.
This book was among the first seven scrolls retrieved from the first cave; subsequently a total of thirteen copies was found in the collection, indicating the importance of this text to the community. The copy from Cave 1 was virtually intact, allowing it to be translated and studied almost in its entirety. Comparison to other contemporary charters demonstrates that "virtually every structural element of the ancient Jewish writing has analogs in the charters of guilds and religious associations from Egypt, Greece, and Asia Minor." (p. 123)
The book contains a number of parallels to New Testament texts: the contribution of a new member's property to the group coffers (6:20-22) is similar to that seen in Acts 4:32-37; the idea of "revealed mysteries" available only to the community of believers (5:11, 9:18-19) is echoed in Col 1:25-27; the image of the community of believers as the true temple (8:5-9) is also seen in Eph 2:20-22. Yet there are also differences: the exclusive table fellowship (6:16-22) contrasts with the radically inclusive table fellowship of the Gospels; requiring the Instructor to "conceal his own insight into the Law when among perverse men" and teach only "those who have chosen the Way" (9:17-18) differs significantly from the instruction to "make disciples of all nations, ... teaching them to observe all that I have commanded you." (Matt 28:19-20)
I found the translation by Wise et al. to be very readable, and the commentary included before and within the text to be very helpful in providing background and context. The book was fascinating in the way it gave me a new perspective on another ancient Jewish sect -- early Christianity.
Reviewer: Kathy
Date: 11/8/2006
Martinez, Garcia Florentino, ed: The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated, Study Edition (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1997), 112-145. 296.155 D34ss v.1
The War Scroll, a.k.a. War of the Sons of Light with the Sons of Darkness, like the rest of the Dead Sea Scrolls is generally believed to be written by a member or members of the Jewish sect known as the Essenes or a splinter group from the Essenes. Likely written between the middle of the 2nd century BCE and the 1st century CE; discovered in 1947 in Cave 1, hence its designation as 1QM. There are conflicting theories about where the scroll was written, either in the Qumran area during the Essene's stay or written in Jerusalem and later transported when the community left to live apart in Qumran. The scroll was apparently written for the community themselves and as a legacy to those who might come later; it was probably meant only for the eyes of the righteous Sons of Light.
This is an example of apocalyptic literature which begins with an overview of the last battle in which evil is forever destroyed. It delineates who the combatants will be and functions as both instruction, as in the details of how the Sons of Light should wage war and comfort, as in the ultimate victory over evil and those who align themselves with anyone BUT the Sons of Light. The text is quite complete in the sense of not being fragmentary; it has few missing words. However, the final words or page or pages are missing, thus if there is a culmination or a lot of detail about how the world will be ordered after the war, we are not privy to it. The text is ordered with an introductory overview, then pages of battle preparations, then pages of battle plans and movements, and then a repetition of the results of the seven major engagements followed by instructions for thanksgiving.
The scrolls, written on hide with a bird feather implement and carbon-based ink, have been subjected to carbon dating, textual analysis and handwriting analysis which all support the dates cited above. The language is a Hebrew dialect; this English translation comes from a prior Spanish translation. There is no scholarly interpretation within this primary text. The text itself reveals some of the beliefs of this Jewish sect, particularly the sense that they alone are the righteous, "The Sons Of Light" and that God will bless them and allow them to annihilate all others.
"The first attack of the Sons of Light shall be undertaken against the forces of the Sons of Darkness, the army of Belial: the troops of Edom, Moab, the sons of Ammon, the Amalekites, Philistia, and the troops of the Kittim of Asshur. Supporting them are those who have violated the covenant...Then there shall be a time of salvation for the People of God, and a time of dominion for all the men of His forces, and eternal annihilation for all the forces of Belial...the supremacy of the Kittim shall cease, that wickedness be overcome without a remnant. There shall be no survivors of all the Sons of Darkness...Then at the time appointed by God, His great excellence shall shine for all the times of eternity; for peace and blessing, glory and joy, and long life for all Sons of Light."
Though not a long text, this was a rather laborious read, particularly wading through the elaborate detail concerning the battle trumpets, banners, and size and makeup of the shields. I was interested in just how the campaign was described as evolving - tied after the 6th battle, but the the "good guys" winning the final engagement. This would probably appeal to fans of the "Left Behind" series, but isn't a page-turner nor has it been put on my Christmas list.
Reviewer: Eric Gagnon
Date: 11/8/2006
Polycarp. J.B. Lightfoot, trans. "Epistle of Polycarp to the Philipians" available online at http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/text/polycarp-lightfoot.html (accessed November 6, 2006). It is difficult to date the writing of this letter. Scholars believe, however that it was written in the mid 2nd century CE (c. 110-150 CE).
From Jerome in Illustrious Men 17: "Polycarp [d. approx. 155 CE] disciple of the apostle John and by him ordained bishop of Smyrna was chief of all Asia, where he saw and had as teachers some of the apostles and of those who had seen the Lord. He, on account of certain questions concerning the day of the Passover, went to Rome in the time of the emperor Antoninus Pius while Anicetus ruled the church in that city. There he led back to the faith many of the believers who had been deceived through the persuasion of Marcion and Valentinus, and when. Marcion met him by chance and said "Do you know us" he replied, "I know the firstborn of the devil." Afterwards during the reign of Marcus Antoninus and Lucius Aurelius Commodus in the fourth persecution after Nero, in the presence of the proconsul holding court at Smyrna and all the people crying out against him in the Amphitheater, he was burned. He wrote a very valuable Epistle to the Philippians which is read to the present day in the meetings in Asia." Bishop (or Presbyter) Polycarp of Smyrna is the author and the work is addressed to the church at Philippi.
The epistle is in the form of a letter. It is similar in style to other letters of that period, including canonical letters. It begins with an introduction and greeting, "Polycarp and the presbyters that are with him unto the Church of God which sojourneth at Philippi; mercy unto you and peace from God Almighty and Jesus Christ our Savior be multiplied." For comparison see 1 Cor 1:1-3. In addition to the introduction, the letter includes establishing common ground in faith in Jesus Christ. Not being able to visit in person (some scholars believe that he was in Roman custody), Polycarp provides a letter in the example of Paul, he encourages the church toward righteousness in behavior and endurance (in light of persecutions), yet to be forgiving to those who show repentence for turning from God when faced with persecution. He also offers a blessing, explains that he is attaching the letters from Polycarp that they requested and introduces the person who will deliver them. His final line is a farewell, and has a finality to its tone.
There is external evidence of this manuscript including 9 Greek MSS: Vaticanus 859 [v], 0ttobonianus 348 [o], Florentinus Laur. vii. 21 [f], Parisiensis Graec. 937 [p], Casanatensis G. V. 14 [c], Theatinus [t], Neapolitanus Mus. Nat. II. A. 17 [n], Salmasianus [s], Andrius [a]). Also 9 Latin MSS including Reginensis 81 [r], Trecensis 412 [t], Pansiensis 1639, formerly Colbertinus 1039 [c], Bruxellensis 5510 [b], Oxon. Balliolensis 229 [o], Palatinus 150 [p], Florentinus Laur. xxiii. 20 [f], Vindobonensis 1068 [v], Oxon. Magdalenensis 78 [m]). Eusebuius also provides 2 long quotes. For additional information see http://www.dabar.org/ChurchHistory/Fathers/Polycarp/ToThePhilippians-Introduction.html Although the above establishes credibility of this document, I wonder if its very end was written by Polycarp himself. 12.9 seems to be a natural ending for the letter following the blessing. But 13.1 to 14.4 then go on to discuss Ignatius' letters and who might deliver them to Phillipi (Polycarp expresses his wishes to come himself, but if in custody that would not be possible).
12:6 Now may the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the eternal High-priest Himself, the [Son of] God Jesus Christ, build you up in faith and truth, and in all gentleness and in all avoidance of wrath and in forbearance and long suffering and in patient endurance and in purity; 12:7 and may He grant unto you a lot and portion among His saints, and to us with you, and to all that are under heaven, who shall believe on our Lord and God Jesus Christ and on His Father {that raised Him from the dead. 12:8 Pray for all the saints.} 12:9 Pray also {for kings} and powers and princes, and {for them that persecute} and hat {you,} and for {the enemies of the cross,} that your fruit may be {manifest among all men,} that ye may be perfect in Him. 13:1 Ye wrote to me, both ye yourselves and Ignatius, asking that if any one should go to Syria he might carry thither the letters from you. 13:2 And this I will do, if I get a fit opportunity, either I myself, or he whom I shall send to be ambassador on your behalf also. 13:3 The letters of Ignatius which were sent to us by him, and others as many as we had by us, we send unto you, according as ye gave charge; 13:4 the which are subjoined to this letter; 13:5 from which ye will be able to gain great advantage. 13:6 For they comprise faith and endurance and every kind of edification, which pertaineth unto our Lord. 13:7 Moreover concerning Ignatius himself and those that were with him, if ye have any sure tidings, certify us. 14:1 I write these things to you by Crescens, whom I commended to you recently and now commend unto you: 14:2 for he hath walked blamelessly with us; 14:3 and I believe also with you in like manner. 14:4 But ye shall have his sister commended, when she shall come to you. 14:5 Fare ye well in the Lord Jesus Christ in grace, ye and all yours. Amen.
Polycarp was a practioner, rather than a theologian. Even toward the end of his life he encouraged churches to remain firm in the faith. That his writings survived carries down to the present day an excellent glimpse into the workings of the early church.
Reviewer: Sue Kaplan
Date: 11/8/06
Garcia Martinez, Florentino and Tigchelaar, Elbert C.J., The Copper Scroll in The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition Vol.I (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1997). 296.155 D34ss v.1
the book is co-editored by Florentino Garcia Martinez who is a professor on the faculty of Theology Research Unit at Catholic University at Leuven and Dr. Elbert C.J. Tigchelaar serves as as a post doctoral researcher and faculty at University of Groningen. This book was complied for students to use in the classroom as well as a resource for others working on the non-biblical scrolls.
the book consists of the non-biblical scrolls. The transcription of the original text either Hebrew or Aramaic on the left page and the English translation on the right. A bibliography is given with each scroll.
In the case of the Copper Scroll the author's transcription of the Hebrew text is seen on the left hand pages. These transcriptions are based on previous scholarly works. An English translation follows along on the right hand pages. The authors state in the forward that the translation follows as close as poossible their transcripton of the original text.
since I am unable to type Hebrew and there is no interpretation of the text, I am unable to comment on this section
though I do not read hebrew it was interesting to see the scroll written in its original language. It was also clear that what we are seeing in the Dead Sea Scrolls are but fragments of what was placed there 2000 years ago. In the case of the Copper scroll, the scroll was intact but so decimated over time that it is difficult if not impossible to read in many places. What I miss in this edition is the history of scrolls themselves and the scholarly arguements that surround them. With the Copper scroll there has been much discussion about whether the document discusses real hidden treasure or whether it is a mere tall tale. I would have to side on the arguement that there once were many talents of precious metals buried, why else would they bother to write a "laundry list" of locataions of hidden bounty.
Reviewer: Sue Kaplan
Date: 11/8/06
Garcia Martinez, Florentino and Tigchelaar, Elbert C.J., The Copper Scroll in The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition Vol.I (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1997). 296.155 D34ss v.1
the book is co-editored by Florentino Garcia Martinez who is a professor on the faculty of Theology Research Unit at Catholic University at Leuven and Dr. Elbert C.J. Tigchelaar serves as as a post doctoral researcher and faculty at University of Groningen. This book was complied for students to use in the classroom as well as a resource for others working on the non-biblical scrolls.
the book consists of the non-biblical scrolls. The transcription of the original text either Hebrew or Aramaic on the left page and the English translation on the right. A bibliography is given with each scroll.
In the case of the Copper Scroll the author's transcription of the Hebrew text is seen on the left hand pages. These transcriptions are based on previous scholarly works. An English translation follows along on the right hand pages. The authors state in the forward that the translation follows as close as poossible their transcripton of the original text.
since I am unable to type Hebrew and there is no interpretation of the text, I am unable to comment on this section
though I do not read hebrew it was interesting to see the scroll written in its original language. It was also clear that what we are seeing in the Dead Sea Scrolls are but fragments of what was placed there 2000 years ago. In the case of the Copper scroll, the scroll was intact but so decimated over time that it is difficult if not impossible to read in many places. What I miss in this edition is the history of scrolls themselves and the scholarly arguements that surround them. With the Copper scroll there has been much discussion about whether the document discusses real hidden treasure or whether it is a mere tall tale. I would have to side on the arguement that there once were many talents of precious metals buried, why else would they bother to write a "laundry list" of locataions of hidden bounty.
Reviewer: Judy Young
Date: 11/7/06
Iranaeus, ST. Iranaeus of Lyon On The Apostolic Preaching, tran. John Behr (Crestwood NY: St Vladamir Seminary Press, 1997) 238.1 Ir20
Saint iranaeus, Bishop Of Lyon wrote the original manuscript "The Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching. It can be dated at the end of the second centurt. St. Iranaeus intended this manuscript for his friend Marcianus "to determine by means of a summary, the preaching of the truth, so as to strengthen your faith." He instructed Marcianus to spread this truth to all those who desire to know.
This is a small paperback book of 121 pages. It is divided into 4 chapters: I St Iranaeus Of Lyon. (5 pages) This gives information on the author. II The Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching.(20pages) This is information from the translator with background about the work and includes comments on St. Iranaeus's other work "Against heresies". III Exegesis of the work (11 pages) IV The actual work (62 pages) The work iself has 98 short chapters with subtitles on a particular teaching and a conclusion.
This is a translation from an Armenian text discovered in 1904. The original text is dated at the end of the second century. "For this reason its discovery at the beginning of this century generated much excitement: here was a work from A Bishop who claimed to have know those who themselves had known the apostles describing the teachings of the apostles."
St iranaeus instructs Marcianus to: "through a summary receive an exposition of the things of God so that, in this way, it will bear your own salvation like fruit, and that you may confound all those who hold false opinions and to everyone who desires to know, you may deliver our sound and irreproachable word in all boldness."
I enjoyed reading this. It was translated into easy to read language. It gave a concise summary of what he belived to be the teachings of the church without confusing the reader with deep theology. He stated the truth very firmly without a complex theological explaination. In this class we have and will be reading non-canonical gospels several of which have a gnostic view. In some of his comments I could see seeds that might have been used in some of these gospels: Chapter 9 "This world is incompassed by seven heavens...the first heaven from the top , which includes the others, is that of wisdom" (compare to the Gospel of Mary) Chapter 35 refers to god promised Abraham to make his seed as stars of heaven. (compare to the Gospel of Judas). The conclusion says "not thinking there is another god the father besides our creator as the heretics say." ( compare to the Gospel of Judas)
Reviewer: Roxanne French
Date: 11/6/2006
Mead, G.R.S. Mead. Pistis Sophia: A Gnostic Gospel (San Diego: The Book Tree, 2003) 273.1 M461p http://gnosis.org/library/psoph.htm Pistis Sophia: The Books of the Savior, Gnostic Scriptures and Fragments, The Gnostic Society Library, updated 2005
The writings have been dated to about 150-300 AD, were written in the Sahidic dialect of Upper Egypt but originally were composed in Greek. It is unclear exactly which sect these writings were for, but perhaps Ophite, Barbēlō-Gnostic, Gnostic or Valentinian. Paul Tice, who wrote the foreword, theorizes that predated Christianity. G.R.S. Mead writes the introduction and translated the manuscript into English. George Robert Stowe Mead was the private secretary for Madame Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, and a member of Blavatsky's Theosophical Society. This Society studied mediumistic phenomenon and Eastern religions.
The book is divided into five books, represented in Roman numerals. The story of Sophia (meaning "Wisdom") is only in Book One, which makes the title somewhat of a misnomer. In the books, cosmology, esoteric teachings and the great mysteries of life are explained. Jesus explains life’s mysteries to his disciples and to Mary Magdelene, his beloved companion. These discussions occur after the Resurrection and they include stories of His Ascension and His return to earth. Sophia is a fallen angel who is redeemed and is used as an example by Jesus to explain salvation and redemption, repentance, renunciation of the world, and faith. Reincarnation is included in the system of reward and punishment that includes hell that (all but the most evil) souls go to before returning to earth. The other interesting thing was that there was equality of genders (in disciples) in this manuscript.
The Pistis Sophia is part of the Askew Codex that was purchased by the British Museum in 1795. Until the discovery of the Nag Hammadi in 1945, this Codex was only one of three codices containing Gnostic writings survived the suppression of such “heretical” literature.
CHAPTER 82 It came to pass then, when Jesus had finished saying these words, that Philip came forward and said: "Jesus, my Lord, my thought is exalted, and I have understood the solution of the song which Pistis Sophia hath uttered. The prophet David hath prophesied concerning it aforetime in the one-hundred-and-sixth Psalm, saying: Philip interpreteth the song from Psalm cvi."'1. Give ye thanks unto the Lord, for he is good, for his grace is eternal. 2. Let the delivered of the Lord say this, for it is he who hath delivered them out of the hand of their foes. 3. He hath gathered them together out of their lands, from the east and from the west and from the north and from the sea. 4. They wandered round in the desert, in a waterless country; they found not the way to the city of their dwelling-place. 5. Hungry and thirsty, their soul fainted in them. 6. He saved them out of their necessities. They cried unto the Lord and he hearkened unto them in their affliction. 7. He led them on a straight way, that they might go to the region of their dwelling-place. 8. Let them give thanks unto the Lord for his graciousness and his wondrous works unto the children of men. 9. For he hath satisfied a hungering soul; he hath filled a hungering soul with good things, 10. Them who sat in darkness and the shadow of death, who were fettered in misery and iron. 11. For they had provoked the word of God and made wroth the determination of the Most High. 12. Their heart was humbled in their miseries; they become weak and no one helped them. 13. They cried unto the Lord in their affliction; he saved them out of their necessities. 14. And he led them out of the darkness and the shadow of death and brake their bonds asunder. 15. Let them give thanks unto the Lord for his graciousness and his wondrous works unto the children of men. 16. For he hath shattered the gates of brass and burst the bolts of iron asunder. 17. He hath taken them unto himself out of the way of their iniquity. For they were brought low because of their iniquities. 18. Their heart abhorred all manner of meat and they were near unto the gates of death. 19. They cried unto the Lord in their affliction and he saved them out of their necessities. 20. He sent his word and healed them and freed them from their miseries. 21. Let them give thanks unto the Lord for his graciousness and his wondrous works unto the children of men.'
This is not light reading; it can be quite difficult to follow the text. The word soporific comes to mind, but I am reminded of the verbiage in the book on Masonic ritual that I have. It definitely has concepts found in the Kabbalah, another text that is beyond my full understanding. It is my opinion that the esoteric and mystical concepts would be clearer and probably more enjoyable to someone versed in Jewish mysticism or an esoteric group (perhaps Golden Dawn or the Rosicrucians). If one wants to know more, http://www.gnosticweb.com/documents/EN_Pistis_Sophia_Unveiled.pdf , a 356 page manuscript by Samael Aun Weor, entitled The Pistis Sophia Unveiled may be downloaded. I wonder how Mead’s theosophical lens affected his translation? I did like the parts I understood and I really could relate to Sophia, a sinner who knew the value of repentance in finding her way back to the Divine. http://www.sacred-texts.com/gno/fff/fff70.htm The Internet Sacred Text Archive, copyright 2006, John Bruno Hare
Reviewer: Eric Rustad
Date: November 4, 2006
Josephus, Flavius, The Wars of the Jews in Complete Works (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications, 1981), translated by William Whiston, forward by William Lasor.
In his foreword to the Complete Works, William Lasor calls Flavius Josephus “an egotist and opportunist who was not also without redeeming qualities” (Works, ix). Born Joseph ben Matthias in 37 CE, Josephus claimed descent from a priestly line by his father and through his mother from Hasmonean royalty. In his Life and the Wars, which provide all we know of him, he styled himself a prodigy: consulted by rabbis at age 14, and by age 16 undertaking a systematic study of the then-existing major branches of Judaism. But whatever his early circumstances, all that changed with the revolt of the Jews against Roman suzerainty in 66 CE. Whether it is fair to characterize his choice to survive the ensuing destruction as “egotism and opportunism” is a difficult question. What is certain, however, is that Josephus was as politically astute as he was a gifted writer. Against all odds, he did survive. He provided a history that is as accurate, unbiased and detailed as his inherently difficult circumstances could have permitted. An early opponent of the war, Josephus failed to dissuade his countrymen from their reckless course. Accepting that, he apparently threw his lot in with them, and was appointed general of the Jewish forces in Galilee. His undisciplined but tenacious troops were defeated by the Roman general Vespasian early on, and Josephus was captured after a difficult siege of the Jewish stronghold at Jotapata. In his Wars, Josephus recounts with little embellishment his own decision to live. Resourcefulness he had employed against the Romans—thereby stretching a hopeless siege to an improbable six weeks—he turned now against his Zealot comrades who had resolved upon group suicide. Josephus lived, styling himself now a messenger of God of a twofold message: he considered himself, first, responsible to his countrymen, urging them to sue for peace rather than face the overwhelmingly superior Roman army; and second, in a flash of insight, he found himself prophesying to Vespasian that the latter would become Emperor. When that indeed followed, Vespasian freed Josephus. Accompanying Titus, Vespasian’s son and successor, Josephus spent the rest of the war as its doleful witness—a war of total destruction, as he had predicted. Called a traitor by his countrymen, he chose to reside in Roman following its conclusion, a client of the Flavians (Vespasian’s family), where he received the commission to write the history of which we speak.
The Wars is divided into seven books, of which the first two provide a prehistory of the conflict from the Maccabean period until the arrival of Vespasian in Galilee. This prehistory could well be considered a separate historical work, concerned primarily with the stormy life of Herod the Great (an history which itself breaks neatly into two parts, that of Herod’s heroic pre-accession period, and that of his catastrophic and intrigue-filled post-accession personal and court life). The first two books constitute, in effect, a justification of Roman claims to suzerainty based on the relationships established by Herod with Mark Antony and then with Augustus Caesar. These serve then as preamble to the succeeding five, in which Josephus gives a detailed account of the War. Despite his misgivings about the war, Josephus portrays himself as a loyal Jew doing everything in his power to prepare a divided nation for the impending shock of the Roman onslaught. He walled the cities of Galilee, trained the citizen army, and did his best to mediate disputes between self-styled leaders of the Jewish factions. He frequently depicts himself employing deceit and cunning to defeat these rivals as well as the Romans. Shortly after the fall of Jotapata, Vespasian was declared Emperor by his troops. He suspended operations in Palestine, marched to Rome, and only after defeating his enemies in Italy did he send his son Titus back in 69 CE to assault Jerusalem. Josephus plays a significant role in his own history of the Galilean campaign. He plays a secondary, if not inconsequential, role as mediator in the following account of Jerusalem’s tragically drawn out resistance to Titus. Josephus credits many of his countrymen with a desire to surrender, prevented from that by the Zealots on pain of death. He also credits the Romans with repeated generous and fruitless offers to spare the holy city. Josephus overlays his account of the battles and stratagems of the war with a set of generally undisguised judgments. That he credits those he blames for the debacle with tactical brilliance and strategic successes only increases the believable quality of his account. Josephus is himself wounded at one point, further evidence of his proximity to the events on which he reports. Jerusalem falls, but the Zealots fight on, retreating into the Temple compound and then to the upper city as the rings of fortifications surrounding the citadel succumb. Josephus recounts the horrific and indiscriminant slaughter that followed. Here however, his attempt to depict the Romans and especially Titus in a temperate manner finally breaks down. He describes a Titus who at once pities the Jerusalemites and restrains his soldiery, yet urges them on to plunder and slaughter. Titus puts prisoners, promised their lives, to death by wild beasts for the amusement of subjects in nearby provinces. Josephus’s account ends on a strikingly poignant note, with the defeat of the last Zealot (Sicarii) occupiers of Masada. Following a brilliant speech by Eleazar ben Jair, the Zealot leader, those at Masada conclude a suicide pack—all the more poignant since Josephus had come so close to such a fate himself. If Josephus labeled the Zealots robbers and murders, he was by no means incapable of sympathy for them.
Written in Aramaic and translated into Greek for a Roman audience, the Wars presents the Flavians and the Roman legionnaires favorably. Yet it is also complimentary of the courage and often of the character of the hopelessly outmatched Zealots. At the same time, Josephus is strongly critical of many corrupt and decadent non-Flavian Romans; and he is clearly outraged by those of the Zealots whose unbending resistance brought destruction upon Jerusalem, the Temple and the Jewish homeland. This balance of judgments, and his retrospective good sense regarding the geo- and socio-political realities, lend his work a high degree of credibility, a quality that has been subsequently affirmed by archeological finds which are consistent with his narrative. While his characterizations of his patron and himself must of course be treated cautiously, there is on the whole little reason to question the integrity of his account. Josephus was certainly capable of applying high quality standards of historical criticism to his materials, a fact which is clear from the reasoning employed in Against Apion, his apologia for the Judaism and Jewish culture.
Upon Masada, in its last hours, the Zealots “held fast...upon the hearing of Eleazar’s speech, while yet everyone of them still retained the natural passion of love to themselves and their families….[T]he husbands tenderly embraced their wives and took their children into their arms, and gave the longest parting kisses to them, with tears in their eyes….Miserable men indeed were they! whose distress forced them to slay their own wives and children with their own hands, as the lightest of those evils that were before them. So…not being able to bear the grief they were under for what they had done…and esteeming it an injury to those they had slain to live even the shortest space of time after them…presently laid all they had in a heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten men by lot out of them, to slay all the rest…” (Book VII, Chp IX).
It is Josephus’s capacity to empathize with his subjects more than anything else that lifts his tragic history to greatness. To characterize Josephus as “egotist and opportunistic” is, it seems to me, a response insensitive to the author’s life and circumstances. Rather, the Wars must be read with Josephus’s personal situation borne firmly in mind—his proximity to the tragic and horrific destruction of the Jewish nation brought about primarily by the Jews themselves. Josephus argues repeatedly and convincingly that the Romans did not seek that outcome. They had certainly accommodated Jewish customs in the past, as well as customs of the many other nations in the Mediterranean basin. Venality and vengefulness of certain Procurators were undoubtedly serious issues, but the ensuing war had in the end little to do with grievances about Imperial corruption and everything to do with Zealot leaders’ political ambitions and pious intolerance. The grievances were pretexts. In his portrait of himself and his times, Josephus comes across as the quintessential outmaneuvered moderate (one is reminded of Brissot and the Girondists in the French Revolution, or of Kerensky in the Russian). Seeking the welfare of his countryman by joining the revolt quickly proved to be a disaster, so Josephus changed tactics and sought the national welfare by advocating submission to the Romans. The history is long, and suffers foremost from a static and repetitive quality. Accounts of many battles and sieges could be substituted for one another. This leads to doubts about the quality of Josephus’s sources, at least regarding events to which he himself was not plausibly witness. The same flatness applies to most of the hundreds of characters he introduces. Thirdly, Josephus consistently describes events from the “battlefield” standpoint, rarely “zooming out” enough to provide a big picture or interpretive model. Characteristic of much historiography of his time, his Wars is a “chronicle,” events ordered by the sequence in which they occurred, rather than an analytic or synthetic history. It is primarily because of this deficit of explanatory context that the characters he introduces generally come off wooden. Evil-doers are transparently evil, and those he presents with sympathy are generally unctuously good. There are some notable exceptions. Josephus presents the tragic life of Herod the Great in most compelling terms—from his heroic beginnings to his miserable and squalid end. Likewise the portraits of Vespasian, Titus and even Eleazar are not those of stock characters. In sum, his account provides a rare glimpse of social structure and conflict and of the motivations and fears driving the political and cultural elites of the time. These in turn have much to tell about the historical conditions in which First Century Christianity developed. How Clever was Josephus? Consider this: The “Josephus problem” is a theoretic problem in computer science and mathematics. Assume there are n people standing in a circle waiting to be executed. After the first is executed, k−1 are skipped and the k-th is executed. Again, k−1 people are skipped and the k-th is executed. The process continues around a circle contracting as the executed are removed, until only one remains, who is freed. The task is to choose the one place in the initial circle which offers survival, given n and k. The problem is named after Josephus. As the legend goes, he and forty comrades were trapped in a cave by Romans. They chose suicide over capture and decided to form a circle and start killing themselves using a step of three. Josephus, who proposed the process, did not want to die. Self-described as clever and cunning, he selected the one safe place in the circle, survived, and surrendered to the Romans. For a solution, see Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Josephus_problem from which this section is adapted.
Reviewer: Michael Kasevich
Date: 11/03/06
Plumpe, Joseph and Quasten, Johannes: Ancient Christian Writers: The Works of the Fathers in Translation: “The Epistle of Barnabas”. (New York, New York, The Newman Press 1948) 270.9 A541 St. Joseph College
There is no known author of this text. The text is attributed to the Apostle Barnabas. Barnabas, is a name meaning "son of prophecy" or "exhortation," given to him by the apostles. He was a Levite from Cyprus. Barnabas was also an early disciple of Christ. The book of Acts tells us that he was ordained with Paul for the missionary work
The Epistle of Barnabas is written in two parts. The beginning of the book is set of guidelines in which the new church and new followers of Christ should follow. The second half has moral inferences to the reader. The writer seems to assume that the early pre Christ, Jews had it wrong, therefore a problem is purposed and then answered. The translated text is broken up into chapters using italicized words to depict the questions from “Barnabas”
The manuscript is part of the Codex Sinaiticus, an manuscript of the fourth century, now in London. The text also appears in a Codex Constantinopolitanus, found by Byrennios in 1875. (Kirsopp Lake:1912). Other scholars say it is part of a codex Hierosolymitanus. Some scholars feel that the text was written in the first century.
“But they turned to idols and lost it. For thus saith the Lord: "Moses, Moses, go down quickly, for thy people, whom thou broughtest forth out of the land of Egypt, have broken the Law." And Moses understood and cast the two tables out of his hands, and their covenant was broken, in order that the covenant of Jesus the Beloved should be sealed in our hearts in hope of his faith. 9 (And though I wish to write much, I hasten to write in devotion to you, not as a teacher, but as it becomes one who loves to leave out nothing of that which we have.) Wherefore let us pay heed in the last days, for the whole time of our life and faith will profit us nothing, unless we resist, as becomes the sons of God in this present evil time, against the offences which are to come, that the Black One may have no opportunity of entry.” These verses are an example of the Old Testament misjudgment. The author wants to write to us not as a ‘teacher” referring to Christ, but an expert in the subject, one who leaves out nothing. In Chapter 15 verse four, the text tells of the end times. ”Notice, children, what is the meaning of "He made an end in six days"? He means this: that the Lord will make an end of everything in six thousand years, for a day with him means a thousand years. And he himself is my witness when he says, "Lo, the day of the Lord shall be as a thousand years." So then, children, in six days, that is in six thousand years, everything will be completed.” Chapter 19 tells us about the moral fiber of the new Christian community. “ “1 The Way of Light is this: if any man desire to journey to the appointed place, let him be zealous in his works. Therefore the knowledge given to us of this kind that we may walk in it is as follows: 2 -- Thou shalt love thy maker, thou shalt fear thy Creator, thou shalt glorify Him who redeemed thee from death, thou shalt be simple in heart, and rich in spirit; thou shalt not join thyself to those who walk in the way of death, thou shalt hate all that is not pleasing to God, thou shalt hate all hypocrisy; thou shalt not desert the commandments of the Lord. “
I am glad I read this book when I did. After looking at other ancient texts in this class, I understood more of what I was reading. I was able to discern with somewhat of a learning what the text was saying. From reading the text, one can see the relationship between Barnabas and Paul. They did travel together. The text is an easy read. Online I have found many different translation of the original Greek text. It was interesting to compare the different words used and the different nuances that are inferred in the different translations.
Reviewer: David Gardiner
Date: 11/02/06
Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus. The Twelve Caesars: translated by Robert Graves (Baltimore: Penguin Books Inc., 1957). 920.S944t.
Suetonius was a Roman, born approximately 69-75 A.D. and died sometime between 130-150 A.D. He lived in or near to Rome and the book is thought to have been written there around 121 A.D in the reign of Emperor Hadrian. Suetonius had a number of appointments in the Roman bureaucracy, including being Emperor Hadrian’s Personal Secretary until dismissed for improper conduct towards the Empress. He writes the book for the general book buying Roman audience as there is plenty of scandal included.
Suetonius writes a form of biography of each of the first twelve Caesars from Julias Caesar and Augustus through to Titus and Domitian. The book is over 300 pages long and takes each Caesar sequentially and uses the same general format to describe the details of their lives. This will include a chronological section which outlines the pedigree of Caesars’ family, his youth, education and early career. Following this a number of themes are discussed such as Caesars’ character, private life (especially sexual habits), physical appearance, behavior as a citizen, military successes and political life. To finish off each portrait of Caesar, Suetonius goes back to the chronological format to cover the portents and circumstances of Caesar’s death, the number of years of reign and a description of his funeral. The book does not consist of dry facts but gives many anecdotes about each Caesar.
In dealing with each Caesar in turn the book covers Roman history in the time span from 49BC through to 96AD. As the Caesars spent a great deal of their time in the capital of the Empire the book mostly revolves around Rome but it does also give a view of the wider Empire as well. The book gives useful details about Roman life and society and although primarily dealing with the higher classes much can be learned about the other classes as well. Many of the stories which Suetonius relates are undoubtedly based on gossip and hearsay of the time but this does not diminish the overall worth of the text. An understanding of such things as Roman religion, citizenship, the legal and administrative system, the life of a soldier, slaves, transportation, the economy and the relationship of Rome to the provinces can be gained. There are a couple of references to Christians in the book and many more about the Jews, places and rulers mentioned in the NT and Roman practices such as crucifixion and taxes.
Suetonius can help with the verification of historical matters in the NT for example in Acts 18:2 Paul ‘met a Jew, named Aquila, a native of Pontus, who had recently come with his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had ordered all the Jews to leave Rome’. This expulsion of the Jews is referred to in Suetonius’ chapter on Claudius (Chapter V, section 25, p197), ‘Because the Jews at Rome caused continuous disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus, he expelled them from the city.’ Chrestus is considered by many to mean Christ. The book can also help with background information on Romans, for example, how they viewed the Jewish God as just one of many gods. Regarding Augustus Suetonius writes ‘ …during his journey through Egypt he would not go out of his way, however slightly, to honor the divine Apis bull; and praised his grandson Gaius for not offering prayers to Jehovah when he visited Jerusalem.’
The Twelve Caesars was an interesting read but needs to be tackled in small doses. As the same format is used for each Caesar, it can get wearing to read repeatedly about the family tree of each emperor, how many Consulships they held and the numerous implausible portents of their death. On the other hand just reading the whole book through soaked me into Roman culture and I now understand a lot more about the Romans, their practices and worldview. Much of the gossip on each of the Caesars is very entertaining, if quite often unbelievable, and does liven up the dull parts. The book will be valuable for those wanting to learn about the Romans, their history, political and military system, culture and life practices.
Reviewer: Deborah Parks
Date: 10/20/06
A True Story was written by Lucian, a Samarian who lived in Samosata on the Euphrates from about 120 to after 180 A.D. This piece was probably written and set in the third quarter of the second century (Reardon 620).
B.P. Reardon calls A True Story an early Baron Munchausen tale. Reardon mentions that it could also be seen as science fiction minus the science given all of its unimaginable events, including a trip to the moon. He also states that Lucian meant it to be a piece of literary criticism drawing attention to the “lies” of other authors like Homer and Herodotus (Reardon 619). The story contains two “books” or chapters.
There seems to be no question that Lucian is the author and that he and his writings are well known. He wrote in Greek although Greek was not his native language.
Lucian states openly that he freely borrows his story ideas from other authors and tells the reader from the very beginning that he is “a liar” and that his readers should “not believe a word” he says (Book 1, paragraph 4); therein is the irony of his story’s title. He claims that he has never had anything significant happen to him in his life so he tells about events he has “neither seen nor experienced nor heard tell of from anyone else” (Book 1, paragraph 4) which is the big lie, because, according to footnotes, it is possible Lucian borrows many of his adventures from other places, maybe even the Bible’s Old Testament book of Jonah with his account of time spent in the belly of a whale.
At least Lucian is honest about what he is doing from the very beginning. I found it completely unbelievable and over-the-top. I personally don’t enjoy fiction at all and definitely not science fiction. Although I wouldn’t choose a story like this myself and would rather read a factual account, it is fascinating to see the ideas he came up with and even borrowed from others who originally came up with them—like going to the moon (possibly borrowed from Antonius Diogenes’ The Wonders Beyond Thule)—so long ago. I would never have believed that the ancient Greeks were thinking about getting to the moon. Since it was written during the time of the early church, it gives some great insight into what people were reading and the kind of ideas that church members and leaders would have encountered in the communities around them.
Reviewer: Ellen Ryan
Date: October 16,2006
Roberts, Alexander, D.D. and Donaldson, LL.D., editors: The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers down to A.D. 325, Vol.1(Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company,1987). 281.3 AN86 1950 v.1 First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians (pp.5-21).
Maier, Paul L.: Eusebius - The Church History: A New Translation with Commentary (Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications, 1999).
Clement (C.E. 30-100) followed Linus and Anencletus as bishop of Rome; scholars date the writing of his letter to the Corinthians between 81 and 96 C.E. Eusebius describes Clement of Rome in his Church History as a "coworker and cocombatant of Paul, as the apostle himself testifies (Phil. 4.3)." As a co-worker of Paul in Phillippi and fourth bishop of Rome, the Corinthian church sought Clement's advice concerning discord in the Corinthian church related to dissatisfaction with church leaders. The First Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians is Clement's reply to their request. Clement doesn't identify himself as the author of the letter, providing a salutation "from the Church of God which sojourns at Rome, to the Church of God sojourning at Corinth. However, both ancient and contemporary scholars consider the letter to be the authentic writing of Clement.
The text is a letter, beginning with a salutation and report of dire local news in Rome as an apology for not replying to the Corinthians in a more timely manner. The body of the letter follows, and closes with a request that the Corinthians speedily send back a reply with the messengers from Rome who have brought the letter to them, specifically indicating that peace and harmony has been restored within the Church at Corinth. Clement begins the body of the letter with praise for the Corinthian Church, commending their humility and obedience in the past with references to passages from Ephesians, 1 Peter, Acts, and Titus. He goes on to describe the discord within the community as rooted in envy and similar to that of ancient times and other communities, with references to Proverbs, Deuteronomy, Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, and 1 Kings. He provides examples of martyrs and saints who have suffered greatly in calling the people of God to repentance, and then provides examples of saints and Christ as models who have practiced humility. Clement's sources in describing the problem, its consequences, and its solution are primarily from what are now considered canonical, with a very interesting exception. Clement describes the myth of the Phoenix, the bird that dies and rises again, attributing it to the land of Arabia and countries around it, as an analogy for redemption and resurrection.
Clement wrote in Greek. Scholars conclude that he had access to a translation of the Septuagint, although the copy he used has some variances from what is considered standard text, and there are some questions about quotations from apocryphal versions of Psalms.
"Thus the humility and godly submission of so great and illustrious men have rendered not only us, but also the generations before us, better; even as many have received His oracles in fear and truth. Wherefore, having so many great and glorious examples set before us, let us turn again to the practice of that peace which from the beginning was the mark set before us; and let us look steadfastly to the Father and Creator of the universe, and cleave to his mighty and surpassingly great gifts and benefactions of peace. Let us contemplate him with our understanding, and look with the eyes of our soul to his long-suffering will. Let us reflect how free from wrath He is toward all his creation." I chose this passage for several reasons. First, the passage appears to be a summary of an argument, and could serve as a conclusion to the letter. In many ways it is a summary; the translation designates it as Chapter XIX of the letter, and many examples and references from Scripture precede it. However, this is not the end of the letter; the translation continues through Chapter LIX. It is characteristic of this work that it meanders quite a bit, drawing references from many sources, but not necessarily ordering them in a cogent style. This first letter of Clement circulated widely among the early churches, many considered it suitable for inclusion in the canon. It wasn't included, however, even though it seems to be of authentic authorship, and basically consistent with Hebrew Scripture and apostolic tradition, with the chapter concerning the Phoenix a notable exception. In comparing the first letter of Clement with other non-gospel writings eventually included in the canon, one finds the content if the argument less clear, less crisp, and less organized. There are so many references that perhaps there are too many, and the reference to the Phoenix, while common to this day in many forms of writing, is not found elsewhere in Scripture. In Clement's defense, it appears that he wrote the letter during a time of persecution and other trouble in Rome. That distraction, or the lack of time to edit the text before dispatching it, may contribute to the patchwork style of multiple examples that don't necessarily build as a cogent argument.
My reading experience was excellent. I enjoyed the first letter of Clement because it provides an unpolished example of first century Christian writing. Although it wouldn't be considered great literature, it is for the most part consistent with the apostolic tradition and the interpretation of Hebrew Scripture in the early Church. It is said that the text was well-loved in many of the early Christian churches; I wonder whether it was read aloud in its full length, or studied in smaller sections. I found it more useful to read it a small section at a time than all at once. It would probably be most useful to those interested in the development of the Christian canon, the various versions of the Septuagint circulating at the time, as well as those interested in Paul; Clement mentions Paul's western travels, so provides a source on these attributed to a contemporary of Paul.
Reviewer: Gary Cyr
Date: Oct. 12, 2006
Farina, John ed. Pseudo-Dionysius: The Complete Works. (New York: Paulist Press, 1987) 230.14 P958p [G. Cyr}
The author is claimed to be Dionysius the Areopagite mentioned in Acts 17:34. It is considered pseudo since there is no evidence to prove authenticity. The writings are considered a forgery, yet it is significant since it has influenced Western theology up till the 15th century. The compiled Dionysius corpus is believed to have been written during the late 5th or early 6th century; the author is considered a Christian Neoplatonist writing to Timothy, also mentioned in the Pauline corpus of the New Testament Canon; of the various letters in the Dionysius corpus, these seem addressed to monks, mainly Gaius.
The structure of the book begins with historical and spiritual analysis by commentators Rene Roques, Jaroslav Pelikan, Jean Lecercq, and Karlfried Forehlich,. These essays extrapolate the nuance of the Dionysius corpus and its influence on Western spirituality. The corpus is composed of five parts: The Divine Names, The Mystical Theology, The Celestial Hierarchy, The Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, and The Letters.
There is little, if any, evidence that this material was written by Dionysius the Aeropagite. Instead, the language employed by the author demonstrates Platonic and scholastic reasoning. Utilizing Greek philosophical techniques, the author’s rhetorical skill argues Christian themes (e.g. how God is addressed, the significance of Jesus’ resurrection, mysticism) throughout the writings and borrows heavily from both the New and Old Testaments. In supporting the arguments. It should also be noted that the material has been translated from its original Greek.
Several examples exist to demonstrate the power of these writings to influence and, if I may say, enchant the intended reader. From The Divine Names, which expounds on the various forms of address for God, “The Beautiful is therefore the same as the Good, for everything looks to the Beautiful and the Good as the cause of being, and there is nothing in the world without a share of the Beautiful and the Good”(p.77) has a resounding similarity to parts of the creation stories found in Genesis. In Mystical Theology, the various intros to the five chapters give evidence to the author’s Platonic reasoning and to arguing that God can’t fully be known, e.g. “That the supreme Cause of every perceptible thing is not itself perceptible; That The supreme Cause of every conceptual thing is not itself conceptual”(pp.140f.). In the Letters, the author, addressing Gaius the monk, argues Jesus’ divinity, “…if I may put the matter briefly, he was neither human nor nonhuman; although humanly born he was for superior to man, and being above men he yet truly did become man” (p.264). These are but a few examples from different parts of the corpus.
The introductory material is very useful to the average reader by establishing a timeline and social frame work to the Pseudo-Dionysius corpus. This part was enjoyable to see how the writings of this person had a dramatic impact on Western Spirituality. The full body of writings is very dense, to say the least, and at times, some of the material is cumbersome. I concentrated on three of the five parts and found that it was enough to establish how the writings direct the readers thoughts towards a forgone conclusion. The author’s arguments give sound voice to a Christian’s understanding of God in their life, how that life should be lived in accordance to Scripture, and the role of bishops, priests, and deacons. This last part was interesting in that he establishes hierarchies that I did not think existed until after the dates of these writings. When all is said and done, the material did not keep my attention, nor did it engage me as fully as I had hoped. Those who have a Platonic understanding of religion may find the material useful.
Reviewer: Sue Brown
Date: Oct. 11, 2006
Apuleius, Lucius: The Golden Ass: Being the Metamorphoses of Lucius Apuleius (London/William Heinemann Ltd, 1965), PA 6209. M3 L5
The Golden Ass was authored by Apuleius around the middle of the 2nd Century. Although well versed in Greek, Apuleius lived in Romanicized North Africa and wrote in Latin. According to S. Gaselee who revised the novel in 1919, Apuleius was known to dislike the rapidly spreading Christianity of his time. This bawdy and riblad tale appears to be directed toward a male audience who would share with the hero, Lucius, a curiosity and fascination with sex, violence and magic.
This novel with a “fable” flare, is ripe with stories within stories, Chinese Box stories. The main plot line finds the hero, Lucius, staying at the house of a friend of a friend and overcome with curiosity of his host’s wife, Pamphile – a witch. He uses the maid (literally) to finagle his way into learning the secrets of Pamphile and tries to recreate what he has secretively seen her do. Alas, his attempt to turn himself into an owl results in his making an ass of himself. Lucius, the golden ass, then takes us on a romp through a multitude of adventures (misadventures!) and mini-tales in his journey to become a man. The novel is rich with references to magic and culminates with an elaborate account of Lucius’ initiation into various mysteries, including those of Isis and Osiris.
While Apuleius religious and philosophical views might take a less important place in The Golden Ass than in other of his works, his dislike of monotheistic religion is distinctly apparent. I noted evidence of only one such character in the entire novel, and that, the wife of an “honest and sober baker” who was “the most pestilent woman in all the world…for there was not one single fault that was lacking to her, but all the mischiefs that could be devised had flowed into her heart…” The reference to her honor of only one god was noted, “…a despiser of all the gods whom others did honor, one that affirmed that she had instead of our sure religion an only god by herself…” Apuleius shows his favor toward the Eastern religions when Lucius is at last rescued by the goddess Isis. Apuleius lends the entire last book to the discussion of the goddess Isis, and then Osiris, Mithras, their mysteries, initiations, etc., and Lucius’ eternal devotion to them.
The Golden Ass is filled with wonderful tales within tales. The story of Psyche and Cupid takes nearly one-sixth of the volume and thus I shall not relay the entire love story, but Apuleius humor fills the pages, sometimes subtly and sometimes boldly. After listening to the ass relate this lengthy epic of Cupid and Psyche told by an old woman, we hear him say, “This the trifling and drunken old woman declared to the captive maiden, but I, poor ass, not standing far off, was not a little sorry in that I lacked pen and book to write so worthy a tale;…”
My expectations were that reading a novel of the second century would be rather like plowing rocks, but this book is timeless in its tale. For me, it was at once hilarious and shocking and was filled with those elements that have always sold novels - sex, violence and fantasy. While this novel would appeal to those students of mystery cults given the lengthy descriptions of initiation into various mysteries of the day, I rather think that this tale would also profit any reader who is seeking ancient tales of robbers, love, sorcery, jests and in particular, the beautiful allegory of Psyche and Cupid.
Reviewer: Ann Young
Date: 9.10.10.06
Patterson, Stephen J. The Gospel of Thomas and Jesus (Sonoma, California: Polebridge Press 1993). 229.8 P277g
Stephen J. Patterson is Professor of New Testament at Eden Theological Seminary, St. Louis. He is the author of The Gospel of Thomas: Red Letter Edition from Polebridge Press and a contributor to the Q-Thomas Reader (1990) and The Complete Gospels ( 1991). He has also authored The God of Jesus: The Historical Jesus and the Search for Meaning (1988), and Beyond the Passion: Rethinking the Death and Life of Jesus ( 2004) He is a member of the Scholars Version Translation committee, a contributing member of the Bible Review and a Fellow of the Jesus Seminar. This book is written for historians of early Christianity and scholars. His person al teaching statement is “ I try to get students to pay attention to those aspects of the text that they least understand . In these gaps of understanding, there usually lurks a whole new way of seeing the text. New worlds of understanding are opened up.”
The author addresses three questions: What is Thomas’ place in the literary development of the Jesus tradition-specifically what is the relationship of the Thomas tradition to the synoptic gospels, what is the place of the Gospel of Thomas within the social-historical development of the Jesus tradition and how might the Gospel of Thomas contribute to a better understanding of the historical person of Jesus? The book is divided into three sections which attempt to answer these questions. In his analysis of the content of the Gospel of Thomas text he compares point for point the Thomas Gospel with various texts from the synoptic Gospels. The author also examines the order in which subject matter appears in the Thomas Gospel with the synoptic Gospels. The content and order are offered as tests of literary dependence. The Thomas Gospel does not appear to be dependent on the synoptic Gospels in the author’s opinion. The author describes this Gospel and the Synoptic Gospels as two divergent trajectories moving in and out from a common place in the early Jesus movement with both common and uncommon understandings.
Patterson has 14 pages of citations. There are also 16 pages of passages from Jewish Scripture, Jewish Apocrypha, Christian Scripture, Christian Apocrypha, Apostolic and Early Christian authors, Rabbinic Texts, and Greek and Roman authors. The initial study for this book was accomplished under the guidance of a doctoral dissertation committee.
As far as the Gospel of Thomas is concerned, Patterson suggests that it was written between 70-80 c.e .With regard to provenance, it is possible that an earlier version of the collection circulated around Jerusalem but the Gospel of Thomas as we know it today comes from eastern Syria. In an attempt to relate the Gospel of Thomas to the Synoptic Gospels, Patterson categorizes the sayings in the Gospel of Thomas as either synoptic twins, that is having very close parallels in the synoptic gospel; synoptic siblings as having close parallels in the synoptic gospel and synoptic cousins , yet further removed from the synoptic tradition. An example of a synoptic twinning is Thomas 54 , “ Blessed are the poor.” And Jesus “ Blessed are the poor, for to you belongs Heaven’s kingdom.” An example of synoptic cousins is Thomas 36 “ What shall you wear?” Jesus said “ Do not worry, from morning to evening and from evening to morning, about what you are going to wear.” A final example of synoptic cousins is Thomas 17, “What no eye has seen,” and what Jesus said “ I will give you what no eye has seen, what no ear has heard, what no hand has touched, what has not arisen in the human heart.” The author’s intention is to show that in terms of material content there is very little evidence to show that the Gospel of Thomas is dependent on the synoptic gospels which is a major theme in this book. He proposes that there are two independent historical streams of tradition. Patterson also gives us an example of the form that Thomas uses. He does not follow the synoptic text format but uses catch words to link successive words together. He reviews the sayings of Thomas and only finds five sequences in which the ordering of Thomas is close to the synoptic arrangement. This is important because it gives us another, independent way of understanding and studying early Christianity. The last chapter was the most interesting for me because it analyzed Jesus as the Thomas tradition understood him and then Jesus as the synoptic gospels saw him. For example, the tradition behind the Thomas Gospel tends to be quasi- Gnostic and esotericizes the teachings from their tradition. Jesus is seen as a descending and ascending redeemer which is characteristic of the Gnostic interpretation. In Thomas 28, Jesus finds the people unable to respond because they are all drunk and will not be able to remember that their salvation is in the aeon far above their present world. Very Gnostic! Patterson notes the scant use of allegorized parables in the Thomas Gospel and states that is a good way to begin to discern a Thomas interpretation from a synoptic one is to look for allegories. The author offers us the example of the parable of the tenants ( Thomas 65, Matt: 21:33-46, Mark 12:1-12 and Luke 20:9-19 .) In looking at the Thomas version you see that it is not an allegory. All three of the Synoptic gospels have allegorized this parable and treat it as an allegory about the death of Jesus. Thomas’ 65 treatment of the parable of the Great Supper does not allegorize whereas the Synoptic tradition does. Patterson has a very good chapter on the social historical description of Thomas Christianity. He maintains that only legal sayings or community rules should be used to describe information. Examples are: The importance of the world in Thomas 27, “If you do not fast from the world, you will not find the kingdom;” The world is a threat and one must always be on guard. Although the Thomas community is wandering and essentially homeless, there are no legal sayings in this category. Another legal saying gives a hint how they expected to live and support themselves, “When you go into any region and walk about in the countryside, when people take you in, eat what they serve you and care for the sick among them.” Possibly the most widely remembered saying is about homelessness, “ [Foxes have] their dens and birds have their nests, but a person has no place to lay his head and rest.” In terms of lack of family ties, Thomas 55 says” Whoever does not hate Father and Mother cannot be my disciple, and whoever does not hate brothers and sisters, and carry the cross as I do, will not be worthy of me.” There are also sayings on willful poverty and begging, material gain, revitalizing piety and purity, and women disciples in Thomas.
More than one-half of this book is concerned with the legitimacy of the Thomas Gospel and its independence from the Synoptic Gospels. This search is not without good purpose which is to use these sayings as an another analytic tool to study early Christianity. This book was a slow reader and pretty pedantic possibly because it started life as a doctoral dissertation. I discovered another book that I think is better which is The Gospel of Thomas , by Marvin Myer with an interpretation by Harold Bloom. It is published by Harper San Francisco, 1992. I did get a good idea of the times by reading the sayings of Thomas, however.This book would be best read by historians.
Reviewer: Steve Smith
Date: 10/6/06
Bibliographical Information: Tacitus, The Agricola and The Germania (Penguin Books, 1st translation published 1948, revised translation 1970.)
Author: This book was written by Tacitus in 98 A.D., likely while serving as highest civilian provincial governor in Western Anatolia. The author writes to a general audience.
Structure: This book (Agricola and The Germania) is both a biography of the author's father-in-law (Julius Agricola) and a partial history of the Roman army, the British Isles, and the German tribes. The Agricola may also be thought of as an apologetic writing by Tacitus in regard to his love and admiration for Agricola. The Agricola begins by introducing the subject in the first 3 chapters; in chapters 4-9 the life and career of Agricola are followed up to his governorship of Britain; chapters 10-17 describe the historical Britain; chapters 18-38 describe Agricola's military conquests; chapters 39-46 describe Agricola's life in retirement and his eventual death. The Germania, rather than focusing on one individual, is a more general description of a people, including character, customs and geography. Tacitus at least in part appears to use The Gemania for moral and political purposes, as evidenced with contrasts made between the Germans (recalling the the uncorrupted morals of old Rome with the degeneracy of the Empire) and Rome. At times, Tacitus seems to suggest that while the German tribes may not then be viewed as a threat, if Rome continued to relax without regard to them, the Germans may at some point become a deadly threat to the Empire. The style of the writing may be compared to the way in which the Book of Acts from the New Testament was written, in that both are condensed historical narratives.
Evidence: Evidence of Agricola's existence are in small part archeological. The name of Cn. Julius Agricola is preserved on a lead pipe discovered on the site of the legionary fortress at Chester; and a few letters which formed part of his name appear on one of the surviving fragments of an inscription found in the forum at Verulamium. The exploits of Agricola were learned of and written by Tacitus, who was a contemporary of Agricola and would likely have heard these stories from direct witnesses. As for The Germania, Tacitus based his writings at least in part on contributions and experiences from Julius Caesar's Gallic War and in particular from Pliny the Elder's Geman Wars. Pliny had served on the frontier himself, and so could bring personal experience to his observations. Tacitus also likely drew from the experiences of soldiers and merchants who were familiar with the German tribes.
Give an Example: A passage from page 73 illustrates Tacitus' high regard for his father-in-law, Agricola: “It has been observed by experts that no general ever showed a better eye for ground than Agricola. No fort of his choosing was ever taken by storm, ever capitulated, or was ever abandoned.....and so winter in these forts held no terrors...the enemy baffled and in despair. Agricola was not greedy of fame and never tried to steal the credit for other men's work. Every centurion and prefect found in him an honest witness to his merit. According to some accounts he was harsh in reprimand; and certainly he could make himself as unpleasant to the wrong kind of man as he was agreeable to the right kind. But his anger left no hidden malice in his heart, and you had no need to fear his silence. He thought it more honourable to hurt than to hate.” I chose this passage because it illustrates Tacitus' opinion of Agricola as both a skilled leader and a man of high moral character. As for The Gemania, the following passage I found interesting, simply because of the imagery of the breastplate and the helmet. “There is nothing ostentatious about their equipment, only their shields are picked out in the colours of their choice. Few have breastplates, and only one here and there a helmet of metal or hide.” This passage brought to mind the following from both the Old and New Testament: Isaiah 59:17 “For He put on righteousness as a breastplate, and a helmet of salvation on His head.” Ephesians 6:14-17 “Stand therefore, having girded your waist with truth, having put on the breastplate of righteousness, and having shod your feet with the preparation of the gospel of peace; above all, taking the shield of faith....and take the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God.” 1 Thessalonians 5:8 “Putting on the breastplate of faith and love, and as a helmet the hope of salvation.”
Reader Response: Initially I was a bit intimidated by the prospect of reading “ancient history,” but I found the experience interesting and enjoyable. I am fond of biographies, so the information about Agricola was especially interesting. I believe those that are interested in the early history of the Roman military, Britain and the heritage of Germany would profit most by reading this book.